At a crucial time in the construction of the new Syria, after 50 years of dictatorship, the monks of the Monastery of Mar Musa el-Habashi, 90 kilometers north of Damascus, anxiously follow the news unfolding day by day—amid announcements from the interim government and the hope that the transition will lead to a free country. The massacre of Alawites that took place between March 6 and 9 in the western regions of Latakia and Tartous shocked them, despite their awareness that sectarianism and new waves of violence could re-emerge at any moment.
“We are waiting to see how the situation will evolve after the latest violence between Alawites and Sunnis,” explains Father Jihad Youssef, Prior of the monastery, to V-Theo. “Much of what is happening today is the legacy of dictatorship. For decades, all Syrians have lived in fear; we have been brainwashed. Even those who were part of the opposition, those against the regime, learned to think in the same way because they had no other tools apart from indoctrination.”“Even history books, the media, everything we had access to, was provided by the regime, at least until the advent of the Internet,” continues Father Jihad, who adds, “However, access to other sources has also created a lot of confusion. We have been enveloped in propaganda, designed to divide us and thus allow better control over society.”
Father Jihad, along with the other monks of Mar Musa al-Habashi, or Saint Moses the Abyssinian, is committed to promoting interreligious dialogue between Christians and Muslims. Their monastery, located near the town of Al-Nabk in the Qalamoun mountain range, dates back to the 6th century but was restored in 1982 by Jesuit priest Father Paolo Dall’Oglio. Ten years later, this site became the home of a mixed ecumenical spiritual community, Al-Khalil — “the friend of God” — founded by Father Dall’Oglio and Father Jacques Mourad to promote Islamic-Christian dialogue. After the terrible years of war, the expulsion of Father Dall’Oglio by the regime in 2012, and his subsequent disappearance in Raqqa in 2013, the monastery remains a place of dialogue and brotherhood.
Father Jihad, what message have you sent from Mar Musa against the recent violence?
During the month of Ramadan, we have the habit of fasting alongside Muslims — not always entirely, but at least for a few days. This year, Ramadan coincided with Lent, so we wanted to launch an appeal for collective prayer and fasting in the name of peace and the unity of the Syrian people after this terrible news of the massacres. We called on everyone, Muslims and Christians alike, to pray using a text that presents no dogmatic difficulties — one that contains no explicitly Christian references that Muslims cannot recite, and vice versa. This way, we can say this prayer together, and those who can, may also fast.
This initiative received great support on social media; it was shared and widely spread. Of course, we do not know if everyone actually prayed — only God knows that. But we did what we could. Our message is that we want to be a prophecy of unity. These acts of violence close the door to hope, push people to emigrate, and risk triggering further brutality as a defensive reaction, leading to new sectarian divisions in the country.
The interim government has taken its distance from what has happened: has it been able to give reassurances?
The interim government has distanced itself in an insufficient manner; it should have been more resolute in its condemnation, spoken to the hearts of the people, and acted swiftly to ensure justice. A Commission of Inquiry has now been established — we will see if it manages to operate objectively and what real powers of intervention it will have. Meanwhile, the declaration that will lead to the final drafting of the Constitution has also been signed. However, the problem is never just putting pen to paper, but rather its practical implementation. We are in a transitional phase, and we do not know how long it will last as we await a new government. At the moment, however, we feel like a boat tossed about by the waves — we still don’t know where or how it will be steered, and most importantly, whether the goal is to save everyone or to use some for the benefit of others. Everything is yet to be seen.
What opinion do you have of the recent agreement signed by Damascus with the Kurdish-led SDF, the Syrian Democratic Forces, of the autonomous region of the northeast, also known as Rojava?
Regarding the agreement with the Kurds, many are positive about it. However, just as many remain skeptical about its success, arguing that its timing is suspicious — coming right after the massacres of the Alawites. Personally, I see it as a positive signal. The north-eastern region should be free of conflicts to foster greater collaboration and brotherhood. We need to create conditions of peace and trust for everyone, otherwise, our lives will always be at risk. The same applies to the Israeli-Palestinian issue, which affects us closely.
How many Syrians have returned to the country after the fall of the regime?
The Syrians who have returned since the liberation are mostly those who came from the Idlib area, had been in Turkey, and were part of the opposition to the regime. Both former fighters and civilians have come back. Some Syrians living in Europe have also returned, but only for short visits, not to stay permanently. As for those who were in Lebanon, at least 350,000 — according to Lebanese statistics — crossed the border back into Syria. However, many soon realized they could not stay, as they had lost their homes, couldn’t find work, and lacked adequate security conditions. As a result, they went back to Lebanon. Following the recent massacres, many Alawites who had never left Syria before have now also started emigrating to Lebanon out of a sense of fear.
Was the re-emergence of sectarianism something to be expected?
The regime had the majority of its entourage among the Alawites, but there were also Sunnis, Druze, Ismailis, and Christians. This was true at all levels of power, from the lowest ranks — those involved in propaganda — to the highest levels, including those managing corruption and illegal dealings.
Of course, it would be wrong to generalize and accuse the entire Alawite community of being part of the regime. At one time, they were certainly considered privileged, but today the situation has been reversed, and they have become a target.
Unfortunately, sectarianism should not surprise us, because it is fueled by decades of dictatorship, supporting the belief that to stay in charge you can do anything, even go against a part of the citizens, as though they did not have the same rights.
Among the Christians, is there more fear or hope with regard to the future of the new Syria?
There is certainly more fear. Even before then, some Christians did not believe in the possibility of living together with the Muslim community. The recent violence has exacerbated this conviction, and many Christians now think that today the Alawites were hit, while tomorrow it could be them. We can only hope for the best because the liberation is an opportunity that must not be wasted.
Cover photo: Father Jihad Youssef at the Monastery of Mar Musa el-Habashi on June 11, 2022. (Picture di Louai Beshara / AFP)
